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Idrissi, A.

Publications and source records attributed to Idrissi, A..

2 recordsLinked to original sources

A neurophysiological study of noun-adjective agreement in Arabic: The impact of animacy and diglossia on the dynamics of language processing

We used event-related brain potentials to identify the neurophysiological responses of Arabic speakers to processing full and deflected agreement in plural noun-adjective constructions in Standard Arabic. Under full agreement, an adjective fully agrees in number and gender with a preceding plural noun, but only when this noun is human, while it is systematically marked feminine singular when the noun is non-human under deflected agreement. We recorded grammaticality judgment and ERP responses from 32 speakers of Arabic to sentences violating full and deflected agreement and their well-formed counterparts. The participants were relatively fast and accurate in judging all the sentences, although violations, especially deflected agreement violations, were not always deemed ungrammatical. However, the ERP responses show a differential processing of human versus non-human violations. Violations of full agreement involving human nouns elicited larger N400 and P600 components than violations of deflected agreement involving non-human nouns, whose ERP signatures were hardly distinguishable from those of their acceptable counterparts. Our results present evidence for animacy (more specifically, humanness) and inter-dialect effects on language processing. We argue that violations of Standard Arabic deflected agreement are not treated as outright violations because non-human referents permit both full and deflected agreement in Spoken Arabic. We discuss these results in light of the ERP literature on agreement processing and the role of animacy/humanness in grammar, and highlight the potential effect of diglossia on the architecture of the mental grammar of Arabic speakers.

animal behavior and cognition

Cognitive salience of agreement features modulates language comprehension

The brain establishes relations between elements of an unfolding sentence in order to incrementally build a representation of who is doing what based on various linguistic cues. Many languages systematically mark the verb and/or its arguments to imply the manner in which they are related. A common mechanism to this end is subject-verb agreement, whereby the marking on the verb covaries with one or more of the features such as person, number and gender of the subject argument in a sentence. The cross-linguistic variability of these features would suggest that they may modulate language comprehension differentially based on their relative weightings in a given language. To test this, we investigated the processing of subject-verb agreement in simple intransitive Arabic sentences in a visual event-related brain potential (ERP) study. Specifically, we examined the differences, if any, that ensue in the processing of person, number and gender features during online comprehension, employing sentences in which the verb either showed full agreement with the subject noun (singular or plural) or did not agree in one of the features. ERP responses were measured at the post-nominal verb. Results showed a biphasic negativity-late-positivity effect when the verb did not agree with its subject noun in one of the features, in line with similar findings from other languages. Crucially however, the biphasic effect for agreement violations was systematically graded based on the feature that was violated, which is a novel finding in view of results from other languages. Furthermore, this graded effect was qualitatively different for singular and plural subjects based on the differing salience of the features for each subject-type. These results suggest that agreement features, varying in their salience due to their language-specific weightings, differentially modulate language comprehension. We postulate a Salience-weighted Feature Hierarchy based on our findings and argue that this parsimoniously accounts for the diversity of existing cross-linguistic neurophysiological results on verb agreement processing.

neuroscience