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Ghitza, O.

Publications and source records attributed to Ghitza, O..

5 recordsLinked to original sources

Complex impact of stimulus envelope on motor synchronization to sound

The human brain tracks temporal regularities in acoustic signals faithfully. Recent neuroimaging studies have shown complex modulations of synchronized neural activities to the shape of stimulus envelopes. How to connect neural responses to different envelope shapes with listeners perceptual ability to synchronize to acoustic rhythms requires further characterization. Here we examine participants motor and sensory synchronization to noise stimuli with periodic amplitude modulations (AM). We used three envelope shapes that varied in the sharpness of amplitude onset. In a synchronous motor finger-tapping task, we show that participants more consistently align their taps to the same phase of stimulus envelope when listening to stimuli with sharp onsets than to those with gradual onsets. This effect is replicated in a sensory synchronization task, suggesting a sensory basis for the facilitated phase alignment to sharp-onset stimuli. Surprisingly, despite less consistent tap alignments to the envelope of gradual-onset stimuli, participants are equally effective in extracting the rate of amplitude modulation from both sharp and gradual-onset stimuli, and they tapped consistently at that rate alongside the acoustic input. This result demonstrates that robust tracking of the rate of acoustic periodicity is achievable without the presence of sharp acoustic edges or consistent phase alignment to stimulus envelope. Our findings are consistent with assuming distinct processes for phase and rate tracking during sensorimotor synchronization. These processes may be underpinned by different neural mechanisms whose relative strengths are modulated by specific temporal dynamics of stimulus envelope characteristics.

neuroscience↗

Acoustically driven cortical delta oscillations underpin perceptual chunking

Oscillation-based models of speech perception postulate a cortical computational principle by which decoding is performed within a window structure derived by a segmentation process. In the syllable level segmentation is realized by a theta oscillator. We provide evidence for an analogous role of a delta oscillator at the phrasal level. We recorded MEG while participants performed a target identification task. Random-digit strings, with phrasal chunks of two digits, were presented at chunk rates inside or outside of the delta range. Strong periodicities were elicited by acoustic-driven chunk rates inside of delta, in superior and middle temporal areas and speech-motor integration areas. Periodicities were diminished or absent for chunk rates outside of the delta range, closely in line with behavioral performance. No periodicities were observed for top-down driven chunking conditions. Our findings show that phrasal chunking is correlated with acoustic-driven delta oscillations, expressing anatomically specific patterns of neuronal periodicities.Competing Interest StatementThe authors have declared no competing interest.View Full Text

neuroscience↗

Neural harmonics reflect grammaticality

Can neural rhythms reflect purely internal syntactic processes in multi-word constructions? To test this controversial conjecture - relevant to language in particular and cognition more broadly - we recorded electroencephalographic and behavioural data as participants listened to isochronously presented sentences of varying in syntactic complexity. Each trial comprised ten concatenated sentences and was either fully grammatical (regular) or rendered ungrammatical via randomly distributed word order violations. We found that attending the regular repetition of abstract syntactic categories (phrases and sentences) generates neural rhythms whose harmonics are mathematically independent of word rate. This permits to clearly separate endogenous syntactic rhythms from exogenous speech rhythms. We demonstrate that endogenous but not exogenous rhythms predict participants grammaticality judgements, and allow for the neural decoding of regular vs. irregular trials. Neural harmonic series constitute a new form of behaviourally relevant evidence for syntactic competence.

neuroscience↗

Dynamics of functional networks for syllable and word-level processing

Speech comprehension requires the ability to temporally segment the acoustic input for higher-level linguistic analysis. Oscillation-based approaches suggest that low-frequency auditory cortex oscillations track syllable-sized acoustic information and therefore emphasize the relevance of syllabic-level processing for speech segmentation. Most linguistic approaches, however, focus on mapping from acoustic-phonemic representations to the lexical level. How syllabic processing interacts with higher levels of speech processing, beyond segmentation, including the anatomical and neurophysiological characteristics of the networks involved, is debated. Here we investigate the effects of lexical processing and the interactions with (acoustic) syllable processing by examining MEG data recorded in two experiments using a frequency-tagging paradigm. Participants listened to disyllabic words presented at a rate of 4 syllables/sec. Two conjectures were evaluated: (i) lexical processing of words activates a network that interacts with syllable processing; and (ii) syllable transitions contribute to word-level processing. We show that lexical content activated a left-lateralized frontal and superior and middle temporal network and increased the interaction between left middle temporal areas and auditory cortex (phase-phase coupling). Mere syllable-transition information, in contrast, activated a bilateral superior-, middle temporal and inferior frontal network and increased the interaction between those areas. Word and syllable processing interacted in superior and middle temporal areas (cross-frequency coupling), whereas syllable tracking (cerebro-acoustic coherence) decreased when word-level information was present. The data provide a new perspective on speech comprehension by demonstrating a contribution of an acoustic-syllabic to lexical processing route.\n\nSignificance statementThe comprehension of speech requires integrating information at multiple time scales, including phonemic, syllabic, and word scales. Typically, we think of decoding speech in the service of recognizing words as a process that maps from phonemic units to words. Recent neurophysiological evidence, however, has highlighted the relevance of syllable-sized chunks for segmenting speech. Is there more to recognizing spoken language? We provide neural evidence for brain network dynamics that support an interaction of lexical with syllable-level processing. We identify cortical networks that differ depending on whether lexical-semantic information versus low-level syllable-transition information is processed. Word- and syllable-level processing interact within MTG and STG. The data enrich our understanding of comprehension by implicating a mapping from syllabic to lexical representations.

neuroscience↗

Electrocorticographic responses to time-compressed speech vary across the cortical auditory hierarchy

Human listeners understand spoken language across a variety of rates, but when speech is presented three times or more faster than its usual rate, it becomes unintelligible. How the brain achieves such tolerance and why speech becomes unintelligible above certain rates is still unclear. We addressed these questions using electrocorticography (ECoG) recordings in 7 epileptic patients (two female). Patients rated the intelligibility of sentences presented at the original rate (100%), speeded rates (33% or 66% of the original sentence duration) and a slowed rate (150%). We then examined which parameters of the neural response covary with the transition from intelligible to unintelligible speech. Specifically, we asked whether neural responses: 1) track the acoustic envelope of the incoming speech; 2) \"scale\" with speech rate, i.e. whether neural responses elicited by slowed and speeded sentences can be linearly scaled to match the responses to the original sentence. Behaviorally, intelligibility was at ceiling for speech rates of 66% and above, but dropped significantly for the 33% rate. At the neural level, Superior Temporal Gyrus regions (STG) in close proximity to A1 ( low-level) tracked the acoustic envelope and linearly scaled with the input across all speech rates, irrespective of intelligibility. In contrast, secondary auditory areas in the STG as well as the inferior frontal gyrus and angular gyrus ( high-level) tracked the acoustic envelope and linearly scaled with input only for intelligible speech. These results help reconcile seemingly contradictory previous findings and provide better understanding of how information processing unfolds along the cortical auditory hierarchy.

neuroscience↗